Dr. Joseph Goebbels

COMMUNISM WITH THE MASK OFF

and

BOLSHEVISM IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

PART I: COMMUNISM WITH THE MASK OFF

By

DR. JOSEPH GOEBBELS

SPEECH DELIVERED IN NÜRNBERG ON SEPTEMBER 13, 1935, AT THE SEVENTH NATIONAL SOCIALIST PARTY CONGRESS

“There is no longer any political question at issue here. This thing cannot be judged or estimated by political rules or principles. It is Iniquity under a political mask. It is not something to be brought before the bar of world history but rather something that has to be dealt with by the judicial administration of each country.”

Dr. Goebbels

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

In the following pages there are some passing references which call for a brief introductory comment. In pre-War days Russia was often spoken of as “the granary of Europe.” Dr. Goebbels says that if it were under proper administration it could still supply grain for the whole of Europe. Yet he states that, under the Bolshevic regime, millions are dying of hunger year after year in this vast granary. Is this a fact? And if it be a fact, what is the explanation? He gives the explanation clearly enough. If we admit the fact we shall not find it easy to refute his reasoning.

In referring to his authorities for the statement of fact he was rather cursory, as was necessary within the specified time allowed for his speech. He merely states that the truth of this awful spectacle of what may be called perennial famine can be proved from reliable documentary sources, among which are even the official reports of the Soviet authorities themselves. But the most striking testimony of all are the pronouncements of such public personalities as the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna. As Dr. Goebbels has merely referred to their statements I have thought it well to repeat these statements here in their original form, so that the mind of the reader may be fully satisfied as to these sources of information which Dr. Goebbels uses in his indictment of the Bolshevic regime.

On July 26, 1934 the Times published the following report of a debate in the House of Lords:

“The Archbishop of Canterbury said that he was sometimes surprised to notice that some of those commonly associated with Lord Ponsonby, while most eager to defend workers and peasants in this country who were alleged to be exploited by capitalism, seemed extraordinarily averse to consider the case of peasants and workers in Russia who were exploited by a powerful capitalist bureaucracy. They seemed always to resent any attempt to lift the veil carefully placed over foreign observers by the Soviet Government and to realize and face the appalling misery which in vast areas of Russia lay behind that veil.

“After a long and full study of an immense mass of documents and evidence from all quarters and the examination in many cases of sufferers themselves, the impression left on his mind was that the condition of things last year in Russia, and particularly in parts of Southern Russia, was appalling. The number who died of hunger was nearer 6,000,000 than 3,000,000. In one town 40,000 out of a population of 240,000 died; in another 40 percent died out of 40,000 inhabitants. There were places where people were living on cats and dogs and where horseflesh was a luxury. There were places where the advent of mice in spring was regarded as a providential source of food.

“He had photographs, the authenticity of which it was impossible to doubt, of corpses lying in the streets and other bodies simply waiting on the pavements for death, while the people of the town were passing by as if there was almost nothing particular to notice. He hoped that some of these appalling events belonged to the past, but there could not but be apprehensions about the future.”

“The Earl of Denbigh said that he had heard a great deal lately in the way of particulars of the appalling conditions in the Ukraine, where the largest portion of the Catholic population of Russia was found. They had heard of the treatment of the bishops and clergy in the Ukraine, and he had seen photographs of the appalling state of affairs in the streets and in the country generally. It must be remembered that all this had been brought about by the deliberate policy of the bloodthirsty and callous system which had been practised in Russia for the purpose of forcing the population into the doctrines of Communism.”

On December 16–17, 1933 a meeting was held in the Archbishop’s Palace at Vienna, presided over by His Eminence, the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna Dr. Theodor Innitzer. This meeting was attended by representatives of all the international and interdenominational relief associations organised for the help of the starving people of Russia. The conference issued the unanimous statement that millions of innocent people in the Soviet Union were in the grip of famine and that the relatively good harvest of 1933 would be able to bring only transitory alleviation. The same committee issued a further proclamation on July 12, 1934 under the presidency of Cardinal Innitzer. This proclamation stated: “There is no doubt that in the Soviet Union a new famine wave of unpredictable extent is about to break in. Millions and millions are again threatened with famine. Again countless people must succumb to the distress unless a brotherly helping hand is reached to them from outside.”

To prove that the famine spoken of in the above pronouncements is of a recurrent nature and is not to be explained by the drought of 1933, one has only to cite the still more urgent appeal issued from the same quarter on February 5, 1935, signed by Cardinal Innitzer and, among others, by the Jewish Chief Rabbi of Vienna. The text of this appeal ran thus:—

RELIEF FOR THE FAMINE AREAS IN SOVIET RUSSIA

An appeal

By the Interdenominational and International Relief Committee.

The undersigned Relief Organisations, which include the various churches and denominations in their work for the starving people of the Soviet Union, deem it their duty to make the following public announcement:—

“It is our firm conviction, which cannot be shaken by any reports to the contrary, that large sections of the Russian people are facing a new climax in the terrible famine disaster. An immense mass of direct information and the indubitable testimony of eyewitnesses during the last two years establish the fact that the greatest distress exists among the population in certain areas of the Soviet Union and among certain classes of the Russian people. Today even the Russian official announcements acknowledge that large numbers of people in the afflicted areas are entirely without provisions and are irrevocably given over to famine. According to the report of an American eyewitness, the harvest has been collected with unprecedented severity.

And only thus was it possible to abolish bread cards in the cities.

“The harvest produce is distributed first of all in favour of the army, the industrial population and other privileged groups in the cities; whereas the lives of the people in the agricultural districts, and especially those of the individual farmers, are once again placed in grave danger. A decree published by the Soviet Government on the 26^th December 1934 proves how serious is the distress.”

Communism with the Mask Off

by Dr. Joseph Goebbels

In the beginning of August, this year, one of the most authoritative English newspapers published a leading article entitled “Two Dictatorships,” in which a naive and misdirected attempt was made to place before the readers of the paper certain alleged similarities between Russian Bolshevism and German National Socialism. This article gave rise to an extraordinary amount of heated discussion in international centres, which was only another proof of the fact that an astonishing misconception exists among the most prominent West European circles as to the danger which communism presents to the life of the individual and of the nation. Such people still cling to their opinion in the face of the terrible and devastating experiences of the past eighteen years in Russia.

The author of the article stated that the two symbols which are today opposed to one another, namely that of Bolshevism and National Socialism, stand for regimes which “in essential structure are similar and in many of their laws—their buttresses—are identical. The similarity is moreover increasing.” He went on to say:

“In both countries are the same censorships on art, literature, and of course the Press, the same war on the intelligentsia, the attack on religion, and the massed display of arms, whether in the Red Square or the Tempelhofer Feld.”

“The strange and terrible thing is,” he declared, “that two nations, once so widely different, should have been schooled and driven into patterns so drably similar.”

One sees here much verbiage and little understanding. The anonymous writer of this article has obviously not studied the essential and fundamental principles either of National Socialism or Bolshevism. He considers merely certain superficial phenomena and he has not taken cognisance of what serious journalists have had to say on the matter in question or compared his views with their objective statements. This entirely erroneous judgment of the case might be passed over with a shrug of the shoulders and considered merely as part of the daily order of things, were it not for the fact that the two problems here discussed belong in their essentials to political phenomena which are important for the future of Europe. Moreover this strikingly cursory judgment on the problem is not merely a single case but has to be taken in conjunction with a much wider and more influential section of West European opinion.

In contradistinction to this, I shall try here to analyse Bolshevism into its basic elements and show these as clearly as I can to the German and European public. This is not an easy task, in view of the fact that the Propagandist Institutions of the Communist International are undoubtedly well organised and have not been unsuccessful in putting before the public of the world, outside of the Russian frontiers, an entirely false picture of Bolshevism. This picture is an extraordinarily dangerous one because of the tension which it can and must naturally cause. Let us also note the profound hatred in liberal circles throughout the world in regard to National Socialism and its practical constructive work in Germany. Hence the possibility here also of mistaken judgments, such as these already mentioned. They pass by what is essential.

International communism would entirely do away with all national and racial qualities which are founded in human nature itself; in property it sees the most primary cause of the breakdown of world trade in the capitalist system. Accordingly it exploits this through an extensive and carefully organised and brutal system of action, setting aside personal values and sacrificing the individual to a hollow mass-idol that is only a travesty of actual life itself. At the same time it ignores and destroys all the idealistic and higher strivings of men and nations, through its own crass and empty materialist principles. On the other hand, National Socialism sees in all these things—in property, in personal values and in nation and race and the principles of idealism—these forces which carry on every human civilisation and fundamentally determine its worth.

Bolshevism is explicitly determined on bringing about a revolution among all the nations. In its own essence it has an aggressive and international tendency. But National Socialism confines itself to Germany and is not a product for export, either in its abstract or practical characteristics. Bolshevism denies religion as a principle, fundamentally and entirely. It recognises religion only as an “opium for the people.” For the help and support of religious belief, however, National Socialism absolutely places in the foreground of its programme a belief in God and that transcendental idealism which has been destined by Nature to bring to expression the racial soul of a nation. National Socialism would give the lead in a new concept and shaping of European civilisation. But the Bolshevics carry on a campaign, directed by the Jews, with the international underworld, against culture as such. Bolshevism is not merely anti-bourgeois; it is against human civilisation itself.

In its final consequences it signifies the destruction of all the commercial, social, political and cultural achievements of Western Europe, in favour of a deracinated and nomadic international cabal which has found its representation in Judaism. This grandiose attempt to overthrow the civilised world is so much more dangerous in its effects because the Communist International, which is a past master in the art of misrepresentation, has been able to find its protectors and pioneers among a great part of these intellectual circles in Europe whose physical and spiritual destruction much be the first result of a Bolshevic world revolution.

Bolshevism, which is in reality an attack on the world of the spirit, pretends to be intellectual itself. Where circumstances demand, it comes as a wolf in sheep’s clothing. But underneath the false mask which it here and there assumes, there are always the satanic forces of world destruction. And where it has had the opportunity of practising its theories it has created “The Paradise of the Workers and Peasants,” in the shape of a fearful desert of starving and hungering people. If we are to take the word of its doctrine then we find a terrible contradiction between its theory and its practice. Its theory is glowing and grandiose but it carries poison in its attractive gloss. Over against this, what we have from it in reality is terrible and forbidding. This is shown in the millions of sacrifices which have been made in honour of it, through executions with the sword, the axe or the hangman’s rope or hunger. Its teaching promises “the fatherland of the workers and peasants,” which shall know no frontiers, and a classless social order which will be protected against exploitation through the state, and it preaches an economic principle in which “everything belongs to everybody” and that thereby a real and universal world peace will be ushered in.

Millions of workers on hunger-wages such as are not thought of in western Europe, millions of afflicted and sorrowing peasants who have been robbed of their land, which is being completely ruined by the stupid experiment of a paralysing collectivism, famine which claims millions of victims year after year in a country of such vast extent that it might serve as a granary for the whole of Europe, the formation and equipping of an army which, according to the claims of all leading Bolshevists, is to be used for carrying out the world revolution, the brutal and merciless domination of this madly-led apparatus of State and Party at the hands of a small terrorist minority which is mostly Jewish—all this speaks another language, a language which the world cannot listen to permanently because it rings with the story of nameless suffering and indescribable hardships borne by a nation of 160 million people.

The fact that, in order to carry out its aims, Bolshevism uses propagandist methods which are perceptible only by those which have experience in such things and are entirely accepted in good faith by the average citizen makes this Terror International extraordinarily dangerous for other states and peoples. This propaganda starts out from the principle that the end sanctifies the means, that lies and slander, the terrorising of the individual and of the mass, robbery and burnings and strikes and insurrection, espionage and sabotage of armies can and ought to be made use of, and therewith that the aim of revolutionising the whole world must be specially and solely kept in view. This extraordinarily pernicious method of influencing the masses of the people does not stop before anything or anybody. Those alone are competent to deal with it who see into its secret driving forces and are capable of adopting the necessary contrary measures. This propaganda understands how to adopt every instrument to its purpose. It takes on an intellectual shape in intellectual circles. It is bourgeois with the bourgeoisie and proletarian with the proletariat. It is mild and passive where that attitude suits and it is pugnacious wherever it meets opposition that needs to be suppressed.

Bolshevism carries on its International propaganda through the Komintern.

A few weeks ago this apparatus for world destruction made public to the whole of Europe its plan of campaign for the annihilation of the nations and the states, all arranged and set forth in its tactical and strategical elements. Yet the bourgeois world, whose extirpation was announced openly and without any reserve whatsoever, failed to make any public protest of indignation and unite all the forces at its command as a definite counterdefence.

The cry of warning was raised only by those states in which Bolshevism has been finally overcome through the restoration of national principles. But this cry of warning was laughed at by the threatened bourgeois world and set aside as an exaggerated alarm.

Swept clear of internal enemies and united under the National Socialist standard, Germany placed herself at the head of the groups marshalled in the fight against the international bolshevisation of the world. Herein she is quite aware that she is fulfilling a world mission which reaches out beyond all national frontiers. On the successful issue of this mission depends the fate of our civilised nations. As National Socialists, we have seen Bolshevism through and through. We recognise it beneath all its masks and camouflages. It stands before us derobed of its trappings, bare and naked in its whole miserable imposture. We know what its teachings are, but we know also what it is in practice.

Here I shall give an unvarnished picture, which is backed up in all particulars by incontestable facts. If there is a spark of reason left in the world, and the faculty for clear thinking, then the states and peoples must be shocked at the prospect and induced to come together for their common defence against this acute danger.

I leave the methods and practices of the Communist Propaganda and theory within and without Russia to speak through examples which appear to me to be symptomatic. These examples could be replaced and supplemented by thousands of others, all of which when taken together show up the terrible aspect of this world disease.

Murder of individuals, murder of hostages and mass murder are the favourite means applied by Bolshevism to get rid of all opposition to its propaganda.

In Germany three hundred National Socialists fell victim to the Communist terror practised on individuals. On January 14, 1930, Horst Wessel was shot through the half-opened door of his house by the Communist, Albrecht Höhler—called Ali—his accessories being the Jews, Salli Eppstein and Else Cohn. On August 9, 1931, the police captains, Anlauf and Lenck, were shot down on the Bülowplatz in Berlin. The Communist leaders, Heinz Neumann and Kippenberger, were accused as instigators of the murder. Shortly afterwards Heinz Neumann was arrested in Switzerland because of a passport which was invalid and a request for extradition made by Germany was not granted, on the plea that it was a “political crime.” These are only some single examples of the communist terror wreaked on individuals. As further instances of the bloodlust and cruelty to which they bear evidence, we may turn to the hostage murders which took place in previous years.

On April 30, 1919, in the Courtyard of the Luitpold Gymnasium, in Münich, ten hostages, among them a woman, were shot through the backs, their bodies rendered unrecognisable and taken away. This act was done at the order of the Communist Terrorist, Eglhofer, and under the responsibility of the Jewish Soviet Commissaries, Levien, Leviné-Nissen and Axelrod. In 1919, during the Bolshevic regime of the Jew, Bela Kun, whose real name was Aron Cohn, twenty hostages were murdered in Budapest. During the October Revolution in Spain eight prisoners were shot at Ovièdo, seventeen in Turon; and in the barracks at Pelàno, to protect a communist attack, thirty-eight prisoners were placed at the head of the insurgents and some of them shot. At the Komintern Congress, on July 31, 1935, the communist leader, Carcio, expressly declared that this revolution was carried through “under the leadership of the communists.”

This list of bloodshed becomes all the more fearful and horrible when we add to it the apparently incredible number of mass murders carried out by the Communists. As a classical prototype of this, we have the Paris Commune of the year 1871, which was passionately celebrated by Karl Marx and is approved today by modern Soviets as the model of the Bolshevic World Revolution. The number of victims who fell in that terrible year 1871 can no longer be ascertained. The Jewish Tschekist, Bela Kun, made an experiment which rivalled the Paris Commune in bloodshed when he ordered the execution of 60,000 to 70,000 people in the Crimea. For the most part, these executions were carried out with machine-guns. At the Municipal Hospital in Alupka, 272 sick and wounded were brought out on stretchers in front of the gate of the Institution and there shot. The truth of this has been officially confirmed in the report made to the Geneva Red Cross. During the 133 days of his Terror Rule in Hungary the Jew, Bela Kun, had innumerable men murdered. The names of 570 of those have been given in official documents. In November 1934, the Chinese Marshal, Chiang Kai-shek, made public the information that in the province of Kiangsi one million people were murdered by the communists and six million robbed of all their possessions. All these bloodstained and horrific events have reached a climax in the mass murders committed throughout Soviet Russia.

According to returns given by the Soviets themselves and taking reliable sources into account, the number of persons executed within the first 5 years of Soviet rule must be placed at about 1,860,000, in round numbers. Of these, 6,000 were teachers and professors, 8,800 were doctors of medicine, 54,000 were army officers, 260,000 soldiers, 105,000 police officials, 49,000 gendarmes, 12,800 civil servants, 355,000 persons of the upper classes, 192,000 workers, and 815,000 peasants.

The Soviet statistician, Oganowsky, estimates the number of persons who died of hunger in the years 1921–22 at 5,200,000. The Austrian Cardinal-Archbishop, Monsignor Innitzer, said in his appeal of July 1934, that millions of people were dying of hunger throughout the Soviet Union. During his speech delivered before the House of Lords on July 25, 1934, the Archbishop of Canterbury, speaking of reports relative to the famine victims in Soviet Russia in 1933, said that the number was nearer to six than three million.

We have thus before our eyes a full picture of this fearful and harrowing mass terrorisation which is only approximately paralleled by even the most bloodcurdling examples of war or revolution that are recorded in the history of the world. This is the actual system of bloodshed and terror and death which is carried out by hysterical and criminal political maniacs who would have it copied in every country and among every people with the same terrorising practices, in so far as they might find the possibility of doing so.

In view of all this, it would be idle to bring forward proof of the spirit of discipline and generous consideration which the National Socialists showed in carrying through their revolutionary aims.

Such is “the strange and terrible” resemblance between the methods followed by the two regimes which the writer of the article in the English newspaper alleges to be similar in “essential structure.” But the facts to which I have referred do not fill out the picture. Revolutions cost money. Propaganda campaigns throughout the world must be financed. Bolshevism procures the means of doing so after its own fashion.

In the summer of 1907 Stalin led the notorious bomb attack at Tiflis on a money transport from the State Bank. Thirty persons fell victims to the attack. The 250,000 roubles which were robbed from the transport, were sent to Lenin, who was then in Switzerland. They were to be at his disposal for revolutionary purposes. On January 17, 1908 the Jew, Wallack-Meer, who now goes by the name of Litwinow and has been Chairman of the Council of the League of Nations, was arrested in Paris in connection with the bombing and robbing of the transport at Tiflis.

The Communist Party in Germany organised and led the plunder expeditions there and also the robbery of explosives from official depots. The list of such cases brought before the Courts of the Reich is very long. In this list are thirty crimes described as major and extreme cases. To them must be added the burnings and bombings organised and perpetrated without any consideration whatsoever for the lives of innocent persons.

On the April 16, 1925, there was an explosion in the Cathedral of Sophia, which had been organised and carried out by the Bolshevics. In July 1927 the Communists set the Palais de Justice at Vienna on fire. To celebrate the Lenin Feast, on January 22, 1930, the Simonoff Monastery at Moscow, a building dating from the 14th century, was blown up. On the night of February 27–8, 1933, the Reichstag in Berlin was set on fire as a signal for the armed communist rising. Through the medium of strikes, street fights and armed risings, the first preparatory stage of the Bolshevic revolution is meant to be effected. The methods used are the same in all countries. A long series of revolutionary acts which might be added on all sides furnish a striking witness of this. In one of its propagandist publications, the Komintern boasted that it had organised nearly all the strikes which have taken place during recent years. These strikes find their violent sequel in street fights. From the street fight to the armed rising is but one step. In this sequence, the following risings took place: October 1917 in Russia, January 1919 the Spartacus rising in Germany, 1920 the Max Hoelz revolt in Vogtland, and the Red Army in the Ruhr district, 1921 in Central Germany, September 1923 at Hamburg, December 1924 at Reval, on October 23, 1926, February 22, 1927 and March 21, 1927 at Shanghai, December 1927 in Canton, October 1934 in Spain, April 1935 in Cuba and May 1935 in the Philippines.

Bolshevic propaganda aims its chief blows against the armed forces of a country; because the Bolshevics know that if they were to adopt the principle of trying to secure support from the majority of the people they could never carry out their plans. Force, therefore, is the only means left to them; but in every well-ordered state this meets with the opposition of the army. The Bolshevics accordingly feel bound to introduce their disintegrating propaganda within the ranks of the army itself. Their idea is to corrupt it from within and thus render it ineffective as a bulwark against anarchy.

Before the advent of National Socialism to power in Germany there was the closest cooperation between the Soviet espionage and the Communist organisations here. A foreign department of the O.G.P.U. operated officially in our country. It was the special representative and directive agent of the Communist espionage. The aim of this espionage was not only to obtain military secrets in a traitorous way, but also to carry out a system of sabotage among the police and the army. Part of the programme was to introduce a mutinous spirit into the Reichswehr and by an increasing work of revolutionary instruction to bring about a revolt of the soldiers and sailors in the German defence forces. From July 1931 to December 1932, 111 cases of high treason were dealt with before the German Courts. These cases originated with the activities of the Communist Party. Furthermore, there was an extraordinary number of cases of espionage of a treasonable character in the industrial factories. The most blatant example of the interference of “Soviet Diplomats” for the purpose of creating domestic political trouble in another country is afforded by the Jewish Soviet Ambassador, Joffe, who had to leave Berlin on November 6, 1918, because he had utilized the diplomatic courier to transport sabotage material which was to be used to undermine the German army and make the revolution possible. What were called “Revolution Funds” were used in great part by Liebknecht for the purchase of weapons for the German Communists, and partly also for the production of propaganda material to be used among the army. On December 26, 1918, one of the Socialist members of the Reichstag, the Jew, Dr. Oskar Cohn, declared that on the 5th of the previous month, he had received 4 million roubles from Joffe for the purpose of the German Revolution.

We can now see that all these activities were meant for the purpose of bringing about the downfall of the German Reich through the undermining and corruption of the German Army.

Amid all these single acts of terror, of hostage murders and mass murders, plunder and arson, strikes and armed risings, espionage and sabotage of armies, we see the Communist World Propaganda showing its forbidding and grimacing countenance. An idea and a movement which has used such dastardly and revolting means to secure power and to hold it can maintain itself only by chicanery, slander and falsehood. These are the typical methods used by Bolshevism in its propaganda; and they are applied in different ways according to the suitability of the occasion. Thus, for example, we can understand how it is that crises, catastrophes etc., which happen in other countries outside the Soviet Union, are exploited by the Bolshevic Propaganda, whereas we are told that within the Soviet frontiers a work of social construction is in progress that has banished economic distress and created a State in which there is no unemployment. The real truth is that a condition of commercial disorder exists throughout the country and an industrial collapse which baffles description. The “Land without Unemployment” contains hundreds of thousands and even millions of beggars and homeless children who throng the streets of the big cities, and hundreds of thousands who are condemned to banishment and forced labour.

While in all the other countries alleged Capitalist and Fascist dictatorships are in power, Russia affords an example of freedom and democratic order. So we are told. In reality this land is wilting under the Jewish-Marxist rule of force, which will stop at no means to maintain itself in power. The pretended freedom and right of self-determination among the nationalities constituting the Soviet Union turns out in fact to be a process of enslavement and extirpation of those nationalities themselves. The pretended liberation of colonial and semi-colonial peoples through the international proletariat is, when looked at in its true light, a bloodstained and ruthless example of Soviet Imperialism of the worst kind.

In Germany itself, before our advent to power, the pronouncements of the Communist Party varied unscrupulously according to the condition of the times. At first Germany was “a semi-colonial sacrifice to the Versailles Powers and was held down through the League of Nations.” But when the National Socialist movement began to make headway among the German public, the Communist Party put forth a programme of “social and national liberation.” Then they proclaimed a proletariat confederacy between Berlin and Moscow and against Versailles and the League of Nations. Today a military pact has been made with Paris and Prague and the Soviets have entered the hitherto defamed League of Nations, which used to be known as “The Robber League.”

The so-called peace policy of the Soviet Union practically shows itself in world-revolutionary intrigues among the other countries, in unscrupulous stirring-up of conflicts between the various states, while at the same time it is arming at a fantastic rate in preparation for a war of aggression. People in West-European countries talk of a social order without class distinction; but in Russia itself, there is a violent differentiation between the privileged and dispossessed castes. The Soviet propaganda speaks of “a paradise of children that contains the happiest youth in the world.”

The real state of the case however shows us millions of unsupported children, the existence of child labour and even the death penalty for children. Bolshevic propaganda deceitfully talks of the “emancipation of woman through communism.” The truth is that the institution of marriage has been completely set aside, that there is a terrible disintegration and abolition of family life, that there is an absence of employment for women and a state of prostitution that is alarmingly on the increase. Such a regime, in which theory and practice are in glaring contradiction, cannot possibly maintain its position except by the propagation of falsehood and unscrupulous hypocrisy.

Before January 30, 1933, each time that a workman was murdered by order of the Communists, the crime was imputed to the National Socialists. There were constant false reports of mutinies among the Storm Troops and honest German workmen were branded as strike-breakers. When Horst Wessel was assassinated, the public horror became so great that the Communists had to bow before it; and, to clear themselves, they put forward the story that this dastardly political misdeed arose from an altercation between rival claimants to a mistress. When Norkus, who was a member of the Hitler Youth, was stabbed by some communist brutes, the “Rote Fahne” barefacedly declared that Norkus was killed by a Nazi spy, so that the Nazis were alleged to have murdered a seventeen-year-old member of their own party in order to procure material to have the German Communist Party forbidden by law. The same happened when Maikowski and Gatschke were assassinated.

When National Socialism showed up the work of the Communist Party in Germany, the Communist International started the propagandist atrocity stories against National Socialism. The London mock trial was meant to acquit the Communist Party of any guilt of burning the Reichstag by claiming that it had been supported and approved by leading National Socialists. The dead member of the Reichstag could not deny what had been falsely attributed to him. Later on, however, avowals were made by people who had formerly been communist leaders, that not a single word of the truth was contained in the memorandum. The whole thing was avowed by them to have been falsified in all its details for the purpose of bringing National Socialism into discredit before the world. Jurists and journalists of repute, and even an English Lord, descended to the level of making marionettes of themselves at this London mock trial.

Since that time the communists have been carrying on a worldwide systematic work of propaganda against Germany, because they recognise and realise that the National Socialists are their most dangerous enemies. Among the eternally recurring themes of this communist agitation are the stories of war preparations in the interests of German imperialism, preparations for a revanche against France, annexations in Denmark and Holland and Switzerland, in the Baltic States and the Ukraine etc., and a German crusade against the Soviet Union, dissensions in the Party and the Government, especially between the Party and the Army, growing discontent among the masses, assassinations of leading men in Germany or attempts on their lives, preparations for an inflation and the coming of a complete economic collapse, the murder and torturing of prisoners, religious persecutions and cultural vandalisms of all kinds.

These propagandist falsehoods are sent out through thousands of channels and in thousands of ways; bourgeois intellectualism—sometimes unconsciously, sometimes consciously—is pressed into the service of this campaign of defamation. In all European capitals there are large offices for the spread of this poison throughout the world and large subsidies are furnished by the Komintern to prepare and carry out the work. These organisations are constant centres of unrest among the nations. They never tire of stirring up trouble every way they possibly can.

That is Bolshevic propaganda. That is the form in which it clothes itself and lives, using falsehood and slander and chicanery, so as to make the nations suspicious of one another and hate one another, thus spreading a general spirit of unrest; because the Bolshevics know so well that they can never bring the communist idea to triumph except in an age that is distracted and sceptical.

In Germany we have religious controversies which arise from profound questions of conscience but have nothing whatsoever to do with a denial of religion. These controversies are exploited sometimes by harmless and sometimes malicious critics and a parallel is drawn between them and the absolutely dogmatic atheism of the Bolshevic International. To realise the grotesqueness of the parallel it is only necessary to point to a few examples in the theory and practice of Communism.

In the programme of the Communist International it is openly and freely declared that the struggle against every kind of religion must be carried on ruthlessly and systematically. Lenin declared that “religion is the opium of the people and it is a species of fusel oil.” These statements are published in the fourth volume of his “Works.”

At the second Congress of Atheists, Bucharin declared that religion must be “destroyed with the bayonet.” The Jew, Gubermann, who, under the name of Jaroslawski, is the leader of the Association of Militant Atheists in the Soviet Union, has made the following declaration: “It is our duty to destroy every religious world-concept… If the destruction of ten million human beings, as happened in the last war, should be necessary for the triumph of one definite class, then that must be done and it will be done.”

In its issue of November 6, 1930, The Atheist, the monthly periodical which is the central organ of the Association of Militant Atheists, the following appeared: “We shall burn down all the churches of the world and raze all the prisons to the ground.” In all educational establishments throughout the Soviet Union religious instruction is forbidden and in its place there has been introduced a systematic instructional course in Marxist atheism. Children under the age of 18 are forbidden to take part in religious services and prayers. The Church Law of April 8, 1929, has established a situation in which spiritual and religious communities are deprived of all rights. All the clergy and their families belong to the dispossessed class of Soviet citizens, thus automatically losing their right to work or earn their livelihood, and they are liable to be removed from their domicile at any time whatsoever.

Such is the theory and world concept of the juridical principles underlying Bolshevic atheism, and such principles are accordingly carried out in practice.

Up to 1930, 31 bishops, 1,600 clergy and 7,000 monks were murdered under the Soviet regime. According to statistics available for 1930, there were then confined in prisons, under starvation conditions, 48 bishops, 3,700 clergy and 8,000 monks and nuns. The “International League against the Third International” at Geneva issued statistics on August 6, 1935, showing that in Russia 40,000 priests had been arrested, banished or murdered. Nearly all the Orthodox churches and chapels have been either destroyed or else closed to religious worship and converted into clubs, cinemas, barns etc. Prior to our advent to power, the atheist propaganda carried out by the Marxists in Germany, whose forces we have overthrown, took its stand in favour of the dreadful state of things which I have described. The Social Democratic “League of German Freethinkers” alone had a membership of 600,000. The Communist “League of Proletarian Freethinkers” had close on 160,000 members. Almost without exception, the intellectual leaders of Marxist atheism in Germany were Jews, among them being Erich Weinert, Felix Abraham, Dr. Levy-Lenz and others. At regular meetings, held in the presence of a notary public, members were requested to register their declaration of withdrawal from their church for a fee of 2 Marks. And thus the fight for atheism was carried on. Between 1918 and 1933 the withdrawals from the German Evangelical Churches alone amounted to 2.5 million persons in Germany. The programme which these atheistic societies laid down in regard to sexual matters is amply characterised in the following demands publicly expressed at meetings and distributed in leaflet form:

1. The complete abrogation of those paragraphs of the law dealing with the crime of abortion, and the right to have abortion procured free of charge in State Hospitals.

2. Non-interference with prostitution.

3. The abrogation of all bourgeois-capitalistic regulations in regard to marriage and divorce.

4. Official registration to be optional and the children to be educated by the community.

5. Abrogation of all penalties for sexual perversities and amnesty to be granted to all persons condemned as “sexual criminals.”

This is truly a case of methodical insanity, which has for its aim the wilful destruction of the nations and their civilisation and the substitution of barbarism as a fundamental principle of public life.

Where are the men behind the scenes of this virulent world movement? Who are the inventors of all this madness? Who transplanted this ensemble into Russia and is today making the attempt to have it prevail in other countries? The answer to these questions discloses the actual secret of our anti-Jewish policy and our uncompromising fight against Jewry; for the Bolshevic International is in reality nothing less than a Jewish International.

It was the Jew who discovered Marxism. It is the Jew who for decades past has endeavoured to stir up world revolutions through the medium of Marxism. It is the Jew who is today at the head of Marxism in all the countries of the world. Only in the brain of a nomad who is without nation, race and country could this satanism have been hatched. And only one possessed of a satanic malevolence could launch this revolutionary attack. For Bolshevism is nothing less than brutal materialism speculating on the baser instincts of mankind. And in its fight against West European civilisation it makes use of the lowest human passions in the interests of International Jewry.

The theory underlying this political and economic fanaticism was excogitated by a Jew named Karl Mordechai, alias Marx, the son of a Rabbi in Treves. A variant of the same theory sprang from the brain of another Jew called Ferdinand Lassalle. He was the son of the Jewish Chaim Wolfsohn from Loslau, who changed his name first to Losslauer and then to Lasel and finally to Lassalle. The Labour Minister of the Paris Commune was the Jew, Leo Fränkel. The Jewish terrorist, Karl Cohen, was the friend of Marx. On May 7, 1866, in Unter den Linden, Berlin, this Cohen made two attempts to murder Bismarck by shooting at him.

In Pre-war days the editorial staff of Vorwärts, the German Socialist organ, already employed 15 Jews, the majority of whom subsequently became leaders of Communism in Germany. Among these were Kurt Eisner, Rudolf Hilferding, and Rosa Luxemberg. During the Great War the Polish Jews, Leo Joggisches and Rosa Luxemberg, were at the head of the driving forces intent on bringing about Germany’s military downfall and the subsequent world revolution. Another Jew—Hugo Haase—subsequently chairman of the U.S.P.D. (Independent German Socialist Party), demanded the refusal of war credits on August 4, 1914.

On November 10, 1918, there was formed the “Council of Six Representatives of the People” which included the Jews Hasse and Landsberg. On December 16, 1918, was held the first meeting of the “General Congress of the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Soviets of Germany.” In this congress the Jews, Cohen-Reuss and Hilferding, were the principal speakers. The armed forces of Germany were represented by the Jew Hodenberg, for the VIII Army; the Jew Levinsohn, for the IV; the Jew Siegfried Marck, for the Army Dept. A; and Nathan Moses, for Dept. B. Jacob Riesenfeld represented the Army group of Kiew and Otto Rosenberg represented the Army group of Kassel.

The first Communist Party Congress was held in Berlin on December 31, 1918, at which the Jewess Rosa Luxemburg was elected leader. The Reich Conference of the Spartacus movement, held on December 29, 1918, was formally opened by the official representative of the Soviet Union, a Jew named Karl Radek Sobelsohn, whilst Rosa Luxemburg appeared as one of the official speakers.

On the night between April 6–7 1919, after the removal of the Jew Eisner in Munich, the Soviet Republic was proclaimed there. The leading part in this was taken by the Jews Landauer, Toller, Lipp, Erich Mühsam and Wadler. On April 14, 1919, a second Soviet Government was formed in Munich, with the Jews Leviné-Nissen, Levien and Toller at its head. The Press of the German Communist Party in Berlin was controlled by the Jews Meyer, Thalheimer, Scholem, Friedländer etc. The lawyers who functioned on behalf of the German Communist Party were the Jews Litten, Rosenfeld, Joachim, Apfel, Landsberg etc. The well-known Bolshevic Jew Raffes, writes: “The hatred of Czarism against the Jews was justified; because from the ’sixties onwards in all the revolutionary parties the Government had to deal with the Jews as the most active members.”

At the second Congress of the Social Democratic Labour Party of Russia, in 1903, the split occurred which divided the party into Bolshevics and Menshevics. In the one as well as in the other of these parties the authoritative positions were held by Jews. These were as follows:

In the Menshevics: Martor (Zederbaum), Trotzki (Bronstein), Dan (Gurwitsch), Martynow, Liber (Goldmann), Abramowitsch (Rein), Goreff (Goldmann) etc.

In the Bolshevics: Borodin (Grusenberg)—subsequently Leader of the Bolshevic Revolutionary movement in China, at present Bolshevic Commissary in Mongolia. Frumkin, Hanecki (Fürstenberg), Jaroslawski (Gubelmann)—Leader of the atheist movement in the Soviet Union and throughout the world, Kamenew (Rosenfeld), Laschéwitsch, Litwinow (Wallach),—at present Foreign Soviet Commissary and formerly Chairman of the League of Nations, Ljadow (Mandelstamm), Radek (Sobelsohn), Sinowjew—1919 to 1926 leader of the Communist International, Sokolnikow (Brilliant), Swerdlow—close friend and co-worker of Lenin.

In the beginning of August 1917, the Sixth Congress of the Bolshevic Party was opened. The presiding committee was made up of 3 Russians, 6 Jews and 1 Georgian. On October 23, 1917, the historic session of Z.K. (Central Committee) was held. Here the armed revolt was decided upon. For the purpose of taking over the leadership of the revolt a “Political Bureau” and a “War Revolutionary Centre” were established. These political and military centres of the Bolshevic Revolution were made up of 2 Russians, 6 Jews, 1 Georgian and 1 Pole.

In the English “Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia,” which was presented to Parliament in April 1919, by Command of His Majesty, Report No. 6 contains the following: A telegram from Sir M. Findlay to Mr. Balfour (received on September 18, 1918):

“Following is report by Netherlands Minister at Petrograd, 6th September, received here today, on the situation in Russia, in particular as affecting British subjects and British interests under Minister’s protection:…

“At Moscow I had repeated interviews with Chicherin and Karahan. Whole Soviet Government has sunk to the level of a criminal organisation. Bolshevics realize that their game is up, and have entered upon a career of criminal madness…

“The danger is now so great that I feel it my duty to call the attention of the British and all other Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism in Russia at once the civilisation of the whole world will be threatened…. I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the world, not even excluding the War, which is still raging, and unless, as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately, it is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe and the whole world as it is organised and worked by Jews who have no nationality and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things. The only manner in which this danger could be averted would be a collective action on the part of all Powers.”

On November 13, 1934, the newspaper The Moment, which is brought out at Warsaw and is one of the East European leading Jewish journals, published an article (In No. 260B) which was entitled “Laser Moisséjewitsch Kaganowitsch” (Stalin’s deputy and right-hand man). The article states: “He is a great man, this Laser Moisséjewitsch—he will one day rule over the country of the Czars… His daughter, who will soon be 21, is now Stalin’s wife… and he is good to the Jews—Laser Moisséjewitsch. You see, it is good to have a man in one of the key positions.”

Of the most authoritative functionaries from the Party and State in the highest councils of the U.S.S.R. we find that more than 20 are Jews and only 17 Russians, whereas the percentage of Jews to the whole population of the U.S.S.R. is only 1.8.

The People’s Commissary for the Interior (formerly Tscheka or O.G.P.U.) is the Jew Jagoda. In the Communist International (the “General Staff of the World Revolution”) —the Jew Pjatnitzki plays the most important role.

The leadership of the Bolshevic revolutionary movement in all countries lay and still lies in Jewish hands. In some countries, such as Poland and Hungary, they are in exclusive control of this movement.

In the trial against the Jewish communist Schmelz in March 1935, the Polish Police Commissioner Landèbzrski declared as witness that 98 percent of those arrested in Poland on charges of communistic intrigues were Jews.

The actual leader in the movement for the Bolshevisation of China is the Jew Borodin-Grusenberg.

Therewith we may close the account.

That is Communism with the mask off. That is its theory, its practice and its propaganda. I have given a bald and staid account of facts which have been gathered mostly from official sources; but this account points to a state of affairs which is so terrible and revolting in all its effects that it must shock the average civilised human being. This gospel of “the emancipation of the proletariat from the yoke of capitalism” is the worst and most brutal kind of capitalism that can be imagined. It has been thought out, set afoot and led under the inspiration of the Mammon worship and materialist thought which is incarnated in international Jewry, scattered throughout every country of the globe. It is no social experiment. It is nothing else than a mammoth system for the expropriation and despoiling of the Aryan directive classes in all the nations, and the substitution of the Jewish underworld in their place. Those people who put themselves forward here as the apostles of a new teaching and the liberators of mankind are in reality figures that herald anarchy and chaos for the civilised world.

There is no longer any political question at issue here. This thing cannot be judged or estimated by political rules or principles. It is iniquity under a political mask. It is not something to be brought before the bar of world history but rather something that has to be dealt with by the judicial administration of each country. It must be met with the same ruthless and even brutal means with which it strives to usurp power or hold power in its hands. Here there can be no bargaining; because the danger that threatens Europe is acute. Overnight it might break in among the civilised nations of the world and spread universal catastrophe. Those States that make peace with it will soon learn from experience that it is not they who will tame Bolshevism but that Bolshevism will bring them under its heel. It cannot be said that the Komintern has changed its practices. It is and remains what it always was—the propagandist and revolutionary machinery which is avowedly intended to bring about the downfall of the West.

Bolshevism is the declared enemy of all nations and of all religions and of all human civilisation. The World Revolution is now, as always, its acknowledged and proclaimed goal. Stalin himself has said, as the organ of the War Commissariat, The Red Star, in January 1935, triumphantly announced: “Under Lenin’s banner, in the proletarian revolution, we shall triumph over the whole world.” And the communist emigrant, Pieck, said at the Seventh World Congress of the Komintern, held on July 28 this year: “The triumph of Socialism in Soviet Russia proves at the same time that the triumph of Socialism throughout the whole world is inevitable.” On the day before the Congress was held, L’Humanité (the organ of the French Communists) greeted it with the outburst: “Long live the Komintern, the General Staff of the World Revolution.”

Traffic with Bolshevism is not possible either on a political basis or on the basis of general principles in life. The acknowledgement of the Soviet Union on the part of the United States has given rise to an increase in communist propaganda, innumerable strikes and general unrest throughout America. The military pact between France and the Soviet Union led shortly afterwards to an increase of communist votes at the municipal elections, in which they won 43 mandates and thus doubled the number of mandates formerly held by them, while all the other parties lost accordingly. The military alliance between Czecho-Slovakia and the Soviet Union led to sabotaging in the army and to an unexpected increase of communist votes at the elections which followed.

Whoever has made pacts with Bolshevism will have reason to rue his act. Nothing could be farther from our minds than the wish to prescribe for other nations and their governments or even to counsel them. We do not mix up in their domestic affairs. We only see the dangers that threaten Europe and we raise our voices in warning, so that the magnitude of those dangers may be recognised.

As far as we ourselves are concerned, we have completely overcome this menace. Indeed perhaps, outside of his work in Germany, the greatest service which our Führer has rendered the world is that here in Germany he has set up a barrier against world Bolshevism against which the waves of this vile Asiatic-Jewish flood break in vain. He has taught us not only to recognise Bolshevism as the world’s greatest enemy but also to meet it face to face and crush it. Instead of this teaching he has supplied a new and better and nobler ideal for the liberation of a whole nation. In the Sign of this Idea we have fought our battles and brought our banners to victory. This ideal has enabled us to free Germany from the menace of Bolshevism and banish it once and for all from the German nation. Today we know how to cope with these insidious forces.

The nation has been rendered immune against the poison of the Red anarchy. It has repudiated the false and hollow catchwords of the communistic world propaganda. Seriously and industriously and with patience and discipline it has given itself to the solution of problems which arise out of its own destiny. History will one day give due credit to the Führer for having saved Germany from the most acute and deadly peril by overthrowing Bolshevism and thereby saving the whole civilisation of the West from the abyss that yawned before it.

I hope that it will not be left to posterity to recognise the greatness of this historic mission, but that it will be acknowledged by our contemporaries and that they will decide to act upon the truth of its teachings. As the true and loyal Old Guard of the Führer and the Party, we rejoice that we are standing under his banners in this most decisive struggle that the history of the world has experienced.

“In the famine spring that is now coming in, shall similar events recur as those which took place in the year 1933, when numberless innocent people in the Ukraine, the Volga district, in the Northern Caucasus and other areas perished of hunger?

“The undersigned organisations have until now taken up the position that questions of humanity and provision for relief ought to be considered independently of political and social interests. They consider it a duty of the most elementary human and purely charitable nature not to remain silent about these conditions but to allow the voice of conscience speak again. For the sake of the starving and dying people, and to avoid a catastrophe such as that of 1933, they demand that the situation should be made entirely clear and that the necessary provision for relief should be assured.”

The signatory organisations are: —

The Interdenominational and International Relief Committee for the Hunger Areas in the Soviet Union, the Interdenominational and International Russian Relief Work of the European Headquarters for Church Relief Action, and the Jewish Russian Relief.

Such are the authorities to which Dr. Goebbels refers in speaking of the famine conditions which exist in Russia under the Bolshevic regime.

PART II: BOLSHEVISM IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

By DR. JOSEPH GOEBBELS

SPEECH DELIVERED IN NÜRNBERG ON SEPTEMBER 10, 1936 AT THE EIGHTH NATIONAL SOCIALIST PARTY CONGRESS

“Lenin, the founder of the Bolshevic Revolution, stated frankly that falsehoods are not only justified but have proved to be the most effective tools in the Bolshevic struggle.”

Joseph Goebbels, Nürnberg, September 1936

Bolshevism in Theory and Practice

by Dr. Joseph Goebbels

My Führer!

Your Excellencies!

My Honourable Guests!

Fellow Members of the National Socialist Party!

The fact that the phenomenon of Bolshevism as represented by the theory of Marx and put into practice by the Russian Soviet State is still engaging the attention of political circles in Western Europe, as a theoretical phenomenon and a political reality which civilised people ought to take into account intellectually as well as politically, shows that there is a fatal lack of insight into the nature and essential structure of international Bolshevism. What is called Bolshevism has nothing whatsoever to do with what we understand by “ideas” and an “outlook on life” (Weltanschauung) in general. It is nothing but a pathological and criminal kind of madness, devised by Jews, as can well be proved, and led by Jews who aim at destroying the civilised nations of Europe and at founding a Jewish-international world regime that would subject all nations to their power.

Bolshevism could have had its origin only in the Jewish brain, and the sterile asphalt of the metropolis alone made it possible for this thing to grow and spread. It could only be accepted by a species of mankind that had been morally and economically shattered by the war and the economic crisis which followed. On such people it was let loose and was acceptable to them because its criminal and crazy doctrine appealed to them.

Though superfluous, it may here once again be emphasized that we National Socialists, in fighting this world peril as mercilessly as we did from the very first hour of our political activity up to the present, have not defended anti-socialist or even pro-capitalist interests. Our struggle against Bolshevism is no fight against but in favour of Socialism. Our attitude grew out of a deep conviction that a true and genuine Socialism can only be realised if its lowest and most ill-born offspring, Jewish Bolshevism, would have been done away with. The fight against Bolshevism can only be carried through to a successful issue by a people that has found a new structure for its folk-lif e which is adequate to the dynamic values and standards of the twentieth century: a socialist structure in a national form.

The bourgeois middle-classes of all nations have proved to be impotent in dealing with Bolshevism and are unfitted for the fight against it. They have not yet even gained a clear insight into the principles which inspire and direct Bolshevism. They lack the spiritual quality, the principled conscience, political faith and moral strength of character that alone would enable them to face it. But not only do they lack the necessary insight—they even attempt to compromise with Bolshevism whenever an opportunity arises, so as to “prevent an even greater evil.” But every pact which the bourgeois world contracts with radical Bolshevism will finally lead to a victory of Bolshevism over the bourgeois world because of the natural law according to which the stronger will always prevail over the weaker.

Bolshevism has at least one very definite advantage over all other groups that hold political power—excepting those who face it with absolute and downright opposition. It mobilises recklessly the lower grades of mankind which exist among the dregs of every nation and are opposed to the State and the ideas which sustain it. It is the organisation of the lowest instincts of a people aiming at the destruction of all productive and valuable elements in a race. It usually seizes upon a group that holds political power which is based upon a brutish minority and which is determined to reach its final political aim with unscrupulous and criminal tactics.

But the Bolshevic readiness for tactical compromises must not be taken as a willingness to compromise as far as their principles are concerned. At bottom, Bolshevism knows no compromise. If it makes a compromise, that is only done for one reason, i.e. to use it as a means to seize unlimited power. It does not hesitate to cut the throats of those who have helped it to gain power after they have gained it—not a very alluring prospect for those bourgeois politicians of some of the West-European states who still believe that the sting may be taken from Bolshevism by the tamer Front Populaire.

Bolshevism is the dictatorship of the inferior. It seizes power by means of falsehoods; it maintains power by means of force. To be able to combat it, one must know it thoroughly and one must have penetrated into its deepest secrets. The more worthy forces of a nation have to be mobilized to exterminate it, since it is the organisation of everything that may be called the anti-racial forces of the people.

There is one sphere in particular wherein Bolshevism has shown its mastery, i.e. that of negative propaganda. It gains a foothold among the nations by means of lies and hypocrisy. It aims at presenting a garbled picture of the nature and inner form of this political madness. Lenin, the Father of the Bolshevist Revolution, stated frankly that falsehoods are not only justified but have proved to be the most effective tools in Bolshevist struggle. Schopenhauer has said that the Jews are masters of lies and, therefore, it is no surprising fact that Bolshevism and Jewry here meet in close kinship. Jewish Bolshevism is a past-master in the manipulation of lies. Decent and truthful people are so stunned by this method that they are incapable of offering inner resistance. That is just what the Jewish Bolshevists have been aiming at. They speculate on the incapacity of the average truthful person to imagine that it is even possible to lie with such bold and brazen-faced nonchalance as they lie.

It is possible to lie like that. Bolshevism has shown it to be possible and it has been successful in surprising and winning over many unsuspicious people.

In accordance with the very nature of Bolshevism, its propaganda is international and aggressive. It aims at the radicalisation of all the nations of the world to bring about anarchy and Bolshevism. It has got tremendous supplies of funds at its disposal which are unlimited because the Bolshevic dictators unscrupulously starve the entire Russian people in order to spend the money for this purpose. This kind of propaganda is particularly insidious for outside countries because it is supported by the Communist parties of those countries, i.e. by the respective foreign sections of the Comintern. The communist parties outside of Russia are nothing but foreign legions of the Comintern. With their support, Bolshevism organises and lays out ingenious plans of international sedition which are very difficult to attack because they have their roots in the political and national life of the respective nations. It must be estimated as the most threatening peril to a state to allow the existence of a domestic party which takes its orders from the authorities of a foreign country. Experience shows that countries where a strong Communist party exists are more or less subject to the dictates of Stalin with regard to their Home, Social, Economic, Military and Foreign Policy. When concluding a treaty, one of the Western European Great Powers had, for example, to make the request first that the Communist party that exists on its own soil should be ordered from Moscow to stop undermining the army and vetoing the credits for military purposes.

The Communist sections in the various countries are ordered to prepare and to carry through the Bolshevist revolution. They are supplied with abundant funds, unequaled anywhere else, to carry on this ingenious propaganda for which Moscow has laid out the model. This propaganda has only one object and purpose. It aims at deceiving the other nations as to the true nature of Bolshevism and either to prevent the leaking out of facts from Soviet Russia or to falsify them, so that they lose their value as reliable news. The reason for such a policy is that the Soviet Union cannot allow the truth about its domestic conditions to be known, particularly not in Western Europe, with its more civilised and intelligent citizens. The poison of the Bolshevist theory may be alluring and enticing, but Bolshevism in practice is terrible and horrific. Its way is marked by mountains of skeletons. An ocean of blood and tears floods that unhappy tract. Human life has lost all value. Terrorism, murder, bestiality—these are the traits that characterize every Bolshevist revolution, whether it be successful, as in Russia, or fail and be suppressed, as in Hungary, Bavaria, the Ruhr district and Berlin, or still fighting for power as is the case in Spain today.

When Bolshevism has gained control it stops worrying about contradictions between theory and practice: carbines and machine guns then hold the field. But anywhere else, outside of its home territory, it uses its ingeniously devised propaganda machinery to deceive the world as to its own true nature. Bourgeois people in Europe have not the slightest knowledge of how these facts are proceeding. They try to avoid a decision by mouthing the same phrase over and over again, namely, that nobody is allowed to interfere in the domestic affairs of a foreign country. But what is a reality now in Russia, what is fought for and against in Spain and what is fatally preparing its way in other European States—that is a matter of concern for the whole world. It is no longer a problem that can be dealt with by those who theorise about the various outlooks on life (Weltanschauungstheoretiker); it is rather a matter of grave concern for statesmen all over the world. They will have to tackle this problem unless they wish to become responsible for the future development which—because of their negligence—will push Europe into the most severe crisis and eventually into ruin. The problem of Bolshevism as it faces Europe today is a question of to be or not to be. Here and now the souls of men are ranged on the one side or the other. A definite side will have to be taken either against or in favour of Bolshevism and all consequences resulting therefrom will have to be accepted.

Another problem must be settled: the problem of the role which Jewry plays in relation to Bolshevism. Only in Germany can it be openly discussed, since it would be dangerous in any other country—as was also the case in Germany not so many years ago—even to mention Jewry by name. There can be no doubt that Jew s are the founders of Bolshevism and that it is they who represent it. The old leading class in Russia has been so completely eliminated that no other leadership group was left but the Jews. Every conflict within Bolshevism is therefore more or less a family conflict among Jews. The recent executions in Moscow, i.e. the shooting of Jews by Jews, can only be understood on motives of thirst for power and determination to destroy all opponents. The belief that Jews are always at perfect harmony with one another is a widespread error. They live in unity only when they form a minority that is kept in control and menaced by a large national majority. In present-day Russia this is not the case anymore. If Jews have attained power—as they exclusively have done in Russia—the old Jewish rivalries begin again, which had been kept in abeyance by the danger threatening their race.

The idea underlying Bolshevism, i.e. the idea of unscrupulous disintegration and destruction of decency and culture for the diabolic purpose of destroying the nations could have been born only in the Jewish brain, just as Bolshevic practice, with all its horrifying cruelty, is only possible when manipulated by the Jews. In accordance with their nature these Jews do not show their faces in the open. They work underground and, in Western Europe they try to deny that they have anything to do with Bolshevism. That is the way they have always behaved and will behave in the future.

But we have found them out and, what is more, we are the only people in the world who have the courage to call the attention of mankind to these capital criminals. We are not afraid of any consequences and call them by their right name. There was a time in Germany when anyone who called a Jew a Jew was sent to prison. But in spite of that we dared to do it. Even today the world very often objects, with noble restraint or even with well-staged moral disapproval, when Jews are called Jews or Bolshevists are called capital criminals. But we are convinced that we shall eventually succeed in opening the eyes of the world so as to make them see the true face of Jewry and Bolshevism just as well as we succeeded in convincing Germany of the perilous, parasitic character of that race. In the meantime we shall not tire of pointing to this fatal danger and appealing to the attention of all the people who are undergoing terrible crises and upheavals, proclaiming: “The Jews are to blame! The Jews are to blame!”

This charge will be like a lash in the faces of the Jews, distorted as they are by hate. It won’t help them either if they try to adopt the camouflage of democratic forms. That method is just a bit too ingenious to impress intelligent people. It is only a ruse to catch the intellectual philistines. They welcome this slogan because it enables them to fight shy of a decision. This so-called Bolshevist Democracy which some French and English papers have suggested as the prototype and counterpart of the so-called National Socialist Dictatorship, is engulfed in terror, blood and murder. Every few years the Bolshevist despots proclaim this moth-eaten slogan whenever they feel the necessity of recommending themselves to Europe after a period of brutal terrorism. Then suddenly canards are let loose by the Communist propaganda bureaus, empty promises that a new constitution will be introduced, that the universal ballot etc. will be granted to Russia. But all these promises are falsehoods, speculating upon the short memories and proverbial mental inertness of narrowminded philistines. In reality Bolshevism is the crassest rule of blood and terror that the world has ever experienced. The Jews have planned it in order to make it impossible for power to be taken out of their hands, and it is Jews who are exercising it. We National Socialists, to justify and consolidate our national power honourably, have appealed to the country again and again, almost year after year, through general elections in which the laws of the secret ballot are observed. Bolshevism talks of People and the Country of Workers and Peasants; but on its face is imprinted the word Force.

Each person forms for himself a certain idea of Bolshevism. For the most part this idea is the product of his own brain. Then propaganda comes to his aid. Its means of working forms a picture of Bolshevism according to the mentality of a person or a group of persons or of a nation. It is all artificially managed. There is no real basis of truth in it. It may easily happen that representatives of a great country become enthusiastic about a new subway in Moscow, which would attract no attention whatsoever in another large city. When the Bolshevics welcome the stranger with the strains of hi s own national anthem, these strangers , without any rational reason whatsoever, discard their former ideas about Bolshevism and make friends with it. The Red Jews in Moscow know how to handle their dupes. It is permissible to imagine how they mock and ridicule the attitude of the bourgeois world that is thus created.

Therefore they are very furious with us because we have recognised them and are bent on shattering to its very foundations the picture of Bolshevism that is widely prevalent in Europe. Their hate against us is illimitable. It is one of the best and most honourable tributes to the character of our political struggle. We tear the mask from their faces and show them to the world in their true appearance.

It has already been stated that the concept which various people and nations form of Bolshevism is a special outcome of Bolshevic propaganda. A great part of the art of deception consists, for instance, in making people believe that the Moscow Government has nothing at all to do with the Comintern. That is about the most barefaced and brazen swindle that can be imagined; because there is only a division of administration between the Soviet Government and the Comintern. But to think that one is independent of the other would be like believing that the National Socialist Movement has nothing to do with the National Socialist Government.

Bolshevistic propaganda operates on a broad scale. Its purpose is to bring the world to destruction. In foreign countries it is mistakenly interpreted. These naive people who accept it are generally the most naive of the naive. But they exist and they have a certain effect of their own.

Bolshevism in practice is something different. There it is; and you cannot deny what it does. In blood it has traced its fearful march. Its intention is to bring the whole world into its chaotic mess. It signifies the great attempt of Judaism to bring the nations under their own power. Therefore the fight against this danger is, in the truest sense of the word, a world fight. It was begun in Germany and has been fought out on German soil. Adolf Hitler is the historic leader in this campaign. We are all his representatives and therewith we are the apostles of a great historical mission. There can never be a compromise between the two extremes. Bolshevism must be exterminated if Europe is to regain its normal state of health.

But the Jews know exactly what is about to happen. In one of their last efforts they have striven to mobilise all the forces of the world against Germany. They want to strengthen their power by a feverish rush of armament. In National Socialist Germany they see a constant danger to their own existence. In Russia Judaism has established a home for itself which they never thought would be endangered. They account for up to 98 percent of the new bourgeois class among the Soviets—knaves, fatlings, dissemblers, intriguers and plotters, back-slappers and frivolous people. These Jews who have now attained high positions are able to exercise their petty swindles, over a large-scale area, on 160 million people. They are ruthless tyrants, absolutely without principle. They inflict themselves on the people like a universal scourge, the purpose of which is to spread catastrophe.

I have already laid stress on the fact that Bolshevist propaganda is sufficiently astute to adjust its teaching to its hearers. It can be radical or moderate to suit the occasion. When the terrorist, Dimitroff, speaks before the Comintern, the attitude is different from that which Litwinoff adopts before the League of Nations. The Bolshevist propaganda may be religious or anti-religious to suit the circumstances. It is utterly without conscience and all means are justified by the ends they serve. All over the world this propaganda has at its disposal a complex machinery which is made up of the Communist sections in the various countries. It only needs to press a button in order to put this machinery into operation. In every country it operates either secretly or in the open. Woe to the nation that allows it to function. One day that nation will be undermined by this seditious activity and will be disrupted, merely because this phenomenon has not been seriously taken into account.

We National Socialists are in the happy position that we have no need to mince our words when we speak of Bolshevism. We do not speak the language of the secret cabinets; we speak the language of the people and, therefore, hope that the people of outside nations will understand us. We are lucky enough to be able to call things by their names; and we feel bound to do so. For the world must have its eyes opened. We cannot and we must not be silent in the face of the danger that menaces Europe. It is incumbent on the nations and their Governments to make their own decisions; but it is the right and the duty of every individual, whom nature has endowed with the gift of insight and the power of self-expression, to proclaim his opinions and convictions, to point the finger to forthcoming catastrophes and to voice the needs of the time. To dally with Bolshevism spells ultimate ruin.

Therefore we take the opportunity of this Party Congress to ring the alarm against this world danger. I have taken this opportunity of pointing out what Bolshevism is in actual practice, to unmask its teaching and therewith we are helping towards the understanding of the history of our own times, which has to be learned and must not be forgotten.

And now we come to the point.

The West-European worker is apt to consider the Soviet Union as a proletarian State, i.e. as his State. He thinks that in Russia the working class succeeded in eliminating the capitalistic exploiters and in establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, where the free workers are now building up a State of their own, the “Fatherland of the Working People.”

But Jews, like David Ricardo or Marx-Mardochay, have been the originators of the Marxist teaching; and Jews, like Lassalle, Wolfssohn, Adler, Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Levi etc. have organised all labour movements. From their safe editorial chairs, Jews have urged the workers to the barricades. Jews, like Paul Singer, Schiff, Kohn etc. were the financiers of Marxist Bolshevism.

The Soviet Government has been and still is almost completely composed of Jews. Not one worker belongs to the governing body. Almost all of the Bolshevist leaders who have been recently shot in Moscow were Jews. There was not one worker among them. The Triumvirate, which rose as the victorious group out of this inter-Jewish conflict and which now holds dictatorship over the Soviet Union, is composed of: Herschel-Jehuda (Jagoda), Head of the O G P U; Lazarus Mosessohn Kaganowitsch, Father-in-la w of Stalin and Commissary for Transport;

Finkelstein-Litwinoff, Commissary for Foreign Affairs, all of whom are Jews who came from the Ghetto.

The Government of the Soviet Union is not the dictatorship of the proletariat but the dictatorship of Jewry over all the rest of the population.

The political agitation of Bolshevism is equaled by its demagogical propaganda in the economic sphere. They proclaim that the worker leads a sort of paradisical life in the Soviet Union. As late as April 1932, the newspaper Rote Fahne demanded in its electoral campaign: “Put a stop to the increase of wages; wages have to be decreased. We demand the seven-hour working day, the forty-hour week and adjusted wages.”

But how is the situation in Soviet Russia? The price of bread rose from 9 to 75 Kopeks per kilogramm within the years between 1928 and 1935. The monthly wage of a Soviet worker has fallen 78.5 percent measured by the quantity of bread which the worker can buy. If the Russian worker wants to earn enough to live he has to work according to the Stachanoff system which has raised the norm so much above the average that the mass of workers can never reach it. The result is that the average Russian worker gets lower wages.

In 1932 the Rote Fahne published a report on the housing conditions, which had been sent in by a comrade working in the Soviet Union. He wrote that he had two large rooms for himself, with electricity and central heating.

And now a true picture of reality: A working woman writes in Leningradskaja Prawda, a Communist paper, “We, that is I myself and my little boy, who is a year-and-a-half old, my brother and my sister who suffers from tuberculosis, live in one small and dark room. Our complaints brought before the Communist municipal commission have been fruitless. We are still living as before in these unbelievable conditions.”

The Russian worker has to spend for his simple food which consists only of bread, cabbage soup and gruel, not less than 75 percent of his total income. He would have to spend twice the amount of the average wage to attain the standard of living which the German worker has.

A well-known Bolshevist slogan promises the establishment of the free right to work. On June 20, 1932, the Rote Fahne wrote, “Look towards Moscow, Leningrad, Baku, Nowosibirsk and know: work, bread and liberty can only be attained if we fight and follow the example of the Bolshiviki.”

The way in which the Soviet workers are urged to work by the Stachanoff system may rightly be called slavery. But the Soviet Union even reintroduced slavery in the verbal meaning of the word. About 6.5 million people who work in the forced labour camps of the Soviet Union are living in a state of hell-on-earth. In three hundred giant forced-labour camps, Bolshevism is squeezing the last ounce of work and energy out of these workers.

Some hundred thousands of people had to be buried when the Stalin-Caspian Channel was built by forced-labour gangs. The following Jewish leaders of the OGPU forced the Channel to be built in such murderous speed: Herrschel Jagoda, Davidsohn, Kwasnitzki, Isaaksohn, Rottenberg, Ginsburg, Brodski, Berensohn, Dorfmann, Kagner, Angert and others. Judaism flourishes the whip over the “Fatherland of the Proletariat.”

Bolshevist propaganda boasts of having freed the working class among the peasants from the claws of capitalistic exploitation. To allure the innocent peasants and to get their confidence, Bolshevism founded the “Peasants’ International.” In its programme we find the following proclamation: “We demand that the burden of taxes be lifted from the middle-class of the peasants, that their taxes be decreased; we demand the expropriation of the large estates, which shall be made available free of charge for the sons of the peasants who till the soil.”

Let us have a look at the situation as it exists in reality! The granaries of Soviet-Russia, which formerly helped to supply Western Europe with the necessary cereals, are no longer in a position to feed their own population. Millions of people are starving. A bitter war is being waged between the terroristic apparatus of the OGPU and the peasants. The Jews Kaganowitsch, Jagoda and Baumann, enforced a radical collectivisation on the peasants which simply killed more than 15 million peasants and members of peasant families.

The main achievement of the peasant policy carried out by the Bolshevists is the terroristic law of August 7, 1932, which, for any kind of “wrong” committed by a peasant enacts the death penalty, ten years of hard labour or forced labour sentences. Judeo-Bolshevism even abuses the relation of child to parent in applying this law. Iswestia reports, on May 28, 1934, how a girl denounced her father, who had kept back grain that had been commissioned by the collective. Under the terror law her father was subject to the death penalty. The child received official congratulation for her act.

In pre-National Socialist Germany the Communist Party put forward the following demands in their programme for the soldiers: Point 12: Abolition of all undesirable persons in command, Point 20: Annulment of the order to live in barracks . “Emancipation from blind Obedience” and the “Democratisation of the Army” were the slogans.

Compulsory mobilization of the workpeople was introduced forthwith after the Bolshevist dictatorship had been set up. Those who did not obey the order were shot or sent to the blood dungeons of the Tscheka. Instead of the voluntary people’s militia, there was central authoritarian command, iron proletarian discipline, the forced conscripts were interned in barracks and the strictest laws, courts-martial, were set up. From the “Comrade Commandants” the whole army aristocracy was chosen, including lieutenants, captains etc. up to the Red marshals. The Soviet Jew, Rabinowitsch, cynically admitted that the simulated “democratisation” of the army was “only a ruse to gain control of the army.”

Another Bolshevist slogan, which is widely believed, is the “Emancipation of Woman.” The pretension is that the woman must be freed from the domestic yoke and placed on an equal footing with the man. In the year 1924 the Comintern Congress explicitly stated: “The revolution is powerless as long as the family and family conditions remain.” But in the practical administration of the Soviet Union the actual way of this highly vaunted “Emancipation of Woman” shows itself in the fact that, without having the right to appeal for protection, women are forced to submit and surrender themselves to the arbitrary demands of the men and they have to earn their livelihood by heavy manual labour. Even in the labour-camps, which have the worst reputation, there are more than one million women.

Furthermore Bolshevist propaganda asserts that the woman is released from the burden of having to look after her children. This task is taken over by the Soviet State itself. At the same time the official party press is forced to acknowledge that the army of waifs and youthful criminals is steadily on the increase. A special and influential appeal in the system of Bolshevist propaganda is the demand for the abrogation of the legal veto against abortion. The practice of abortion, which went on without hindrance for eighteen years, has become so prevalent that the Soviets would now like to forbid this practice of abortion.

Bolshevist propaganda in regard to the position of women in the social order reaches the peak of mental aberration when it declares that in the bourgeois social order prostitution is a necessary evil, but that this will finally disappear with the establishment of Communism. There is no country in the world where the spectacle of prostitution is so universal as in the Soviet Union. Even in order to hold their jobs, working women have to submit to the desires of their bosses. In the truest sense of the term, women in this “Paradise of Women” are the open prey of the Jewish Soviet bullies.

The “study-trip” made by the French statistician, Herriot, during the famine period of 1933, offers a specially crass example of how the bemused politicians of Western liberalism may be allured by Soviet propaganda. On this point the Jewish New York paper Forward, which certainly cannot be suspected of pro-Nazi leanings, declared as follows: “On the day preceding the arrival of the delegation, the whole population of Kiew was mobilised at two o’clock in the night, to clean the main streets. Ten thousand hands worked feverishly to give a European aspect to the neglected and filthy town. All relief centres, cooperative stores were closed. Queues were forbidden. The imposing army of waifs, beggars and starvelings were all removed. Militiamen on highly groomed horses strutted at the street crossings, manes of their horses entwined with white ribbons—a picture which Kiew saw never before, or after” (this is a retranslation).

One of the great parade pieces from the arsenal of Bolshevist propaganda is the claim for the abolition of the army, the demand for “all-round and complete” disarmament. The K.P.D. (German Communist Party), under the slogans “No more War,” “Forward with the fight against armament,” for instance, demanded a plebiscite on the following proposition:

“The construction of dreadnoughts and cruisers of all kinds is forbidden.” And in February, 1932, the Jew, Finkelstein-Litwinoff, took occasion, at one of the innumerable Geneva Conferences, to champion before the world the principle of “complete disarmament.” Up to the present no change has taken place in these methods of deception. This statement is corroborated by the declaration which the same Litwinoff made last July, when he said that “complete disarmament” was a “maximal guarantee” of peace.

That’s Bolshevist propaganda.

And what is the reality? The peace strength of the Red Army amounts to two million, by reason of the lowering of the age limit of those liable for military service. But to this we must add the trained reserves, which number from nine to ten million. In case of war therefore they could mobilise eleven million; and, within a practical period of time, even fourteen million.

Should war break out, the Red Army would be able to issue marching orders to Red soldiers of between 160 and 180 infantry divisions and 25 cavalry divisions. Recently the increase in the tank forces was declared by the Red, Marshal Tuchatschewski, as 2,475 percent. The strength of the Red Air Force amounts to 6,000 planes. The planes of the First Line are divided into 3,100 heavy and light bombers and scout planes and 1,500 chasers. The bombing weapon prevails over all others and proves that the Red Air Force is preeminently a weapon of attack. The idea is that in case of war the bombing planes should be able to make a surprise attack before the attacked country will have had time to organise its defence.

The view of the Soviet strategists is that the next war will be begun without any introductory declaration of war. And it is not generally known that the Soviets possess the greatest submarine force in the world.

The aggressive character of the Red Army is testified by the aggressive strategy of its leaders. One of the great paragons of efficiency in the Soviet regime is that of the “obvious justice” of the victorious Bolshevic revolution on a world extension, according to Tuchatschewski, who said: “Bolshevism will strive with elementary force to embrace the whole world by direct influence. Its most important means will be its military power.”

And now the most incredible thing of all: in spite of this very obvious imperialistic kind of armament, Bolshevic propaganda insists even today that Moscow adheres to a “policy of peace.” “The Soviet Union does not wish to expand its territory. It is always there when peace is to be defended and maintained”—that is the kind of lies that Mr. Litwinoff casts into the face of the world. And the French Communist leader, Thorez, declares in Humanité: “We have shown that the aim of peace is inseparable from the policy of the Soviet Union.”

In glaring contrast to this systematic campaign of falsehoods, we have the political offensive of the military pacts. Under the slogan of “collective security” these were established between Moscow and Paris on Ma y 2, 1935, and between Moscow and Prague on May 16, 1935.

A little while ago the Mayor of St. Denis, Jacques Doriot, formerly a Communist and now a leader of the “Parti Populaire Français” described the purpose of the Franco-Bolshevic military pact in the following words: “And when they have formulated it in true earnest, when Cachin is President of the Republic and Thorez is Prime Minister and Péri is Foreign Minister, under orders from Moscow they will unleash the dogs of war against Germany and thus secure freedom for the Soviet Union on their Western front…”

And the case is not otherwise with the military pact between Moscow and Prague. On December 15, 1935, a Soviet airman and member of the Communist Party made the following declarations on that point to a representative of the French paper Gringoire: “The erection of air stations in the neighbourhood of Prague and in the hinterland would be an ideal move for us. From these points only half the aeroplanes are necessary and only half the fuel is needed. Hence it would be possible for us to carry an extra three tons of explosives.” Meanwhile great numbers of these Red air stations have been erected in Czechoslovakian territory. Recently they were increased to thirty-six.” Slovensky Dennik—which is a newspaper published at Pressburg and controlled by the Prime Minister—made the astonishing admission: “If the air stations are intended for the defence of the State, then assuredly no geese will be found grazing on them. They will be a refuge for those friends of ours who may find them adapted for use and protection.” In other words, these thirty-six air stations are meant to be the starting points from which the Red bombers will attack Europe. This is an acute danger. That is proved by the fact that the Red bombers could thus reach the most important strategic points in Western Europe within less than an hour and could destroy these. From the air bases of the Red Army within Czechoslovakian territory, Dresden, for example, could be reached within twenty minutes, Chemnitz within eleven minutes, the Silesian industrial district within nine minutes, Berlin within forty-two minutes, Vienna within nine minutes, the munition works in Steier within seventeen minutes and the manufacturing district of the Steiermark within twenty-seven minutes. The Red planes could reach Budapest within about six minutes and make it a heap of dust and ashes.

That is the story of the Bolshevist “peace policy.” On this spot last year I gave an exact account of how many clergymen had been murdered in Russia and pointed to the danger of such a procedure being repeated in other countries. But even ecclesiastical circles in outside countries poo-poohed this warning. They expressed the naive view that Bolshevism had changed and that in future it would guarantee freedom of worship to religious denominations. Meanwhile events in Spain have shown only too clearly that I was right. “In all districts in which the Madrid Government rules there is no longer a church that is open.” So writes the Diario de la marina. And the Catholic Church has even officially announced that in Barcelona alone, 250 priests have been murdered and several churches demolished. That is the kind of religious freedom which one enjoys under Bolshevist rule.

In order to appear harmless and bourgeois in the eyes of Western Democracy, the Bolshevist “diplomats” have even copied habits and behaviour of respectable persons, although the change must cost them an effort. But to us who know the Bolshevist tactics, it causes only amusement to see how so many statesmen in Western Europe, who otherwise seem so intelligent, believe that Bolshevism has abandoned its plan of World Revolution because its diplomatic representatives now appear in tailcoats and white collars.

And yet this varnishing does not seem adequate for the Jewish killers in the Soviet Union. In order to give a final proof of its impeccability, Bolshevism has furnished itself with a “Constitution.” In this Constitution the “right of education” is laid down, having regard to the 40 percent of the population which cannot read or write. And in the same Constitution “freedom of speech and of the press” is mentioned, in a country where everything that departs from the line of opinion laid down by the Jewish dictators is punished by death, as we have just experienced in the trial of the Trotzkyists. This system speaks of the “inviolability of the person and his home and the right of unopened postal correspondence” although day after day the Tscheka gathers in thousands of unsuspecting persons and shoots them or deports them.

The “Popular Front,” which was founded by the Communists in France, struggles “for the defence of democratic liberty, its maintenance and extension.” These are the words of Mr. Thorez, the leader of the party. The “Popular Front” has come to power in Spain. This “democratic liberty” is displayed in filling the prisons of Madrid and Barcelona, and in arresting and shooting all non-Communists. In this way 7,000 have already been murdered in Madrid alone.

The phrase “Liberty and Rights of Man” is a favourite slogan of the Communists. It figures prominently in their revolutionary hymn. The following paragraphs of a letter from the Soviet Union give an idea of how Liberty and the Rights of Man are treated there: The letter, dated August 10, 1935, states:

“Then some hundreds of the outlawed are shoved into empty and unheated freight-wagons, like animals. They were ordered to be brought to the Caspian Sea or to Siberia… One of the leading Communists said to us: ‘Die on the roadside and in the fields. We cannot kill you all; but you will have to die in the gutters!’”

A letter dated June 7, 1935, states: “It seems as if the crisis were at the beginning once again but it is to be hoped that the events of the year 1932/1933 will not be repeated when almost 80 percent of the deported died within the one year.”

On November 16, 1917, Lenin promised in the “Declaration of the Rights of the Nationalities” that the peoples of the former Czarist regime would be granted autonomy. But how did this promise work out in reality for these nationalities? On April 27, 1920, the Red Army overran Aserbeidshan, in November of the same year they overran the Ukraine, on December 3, Armenia, and on February 25, 1921, the young republic of Georgia, after Moscow had by treaty acknowledged their territorial integrity the previous year.”

In Ingria the Finnish population is being systematically stamped out. From 1929 to 1931, 18,000 Finns were banished to Siberia and, in the spring of 1935, 9,000 were forced to undergo the same fate. Only two months ago the government of the Soviet Union decided to drive out another 28,000 from their native land.

In the Polish-Soviet frontier district, 18,000 peasants of German stock “had their settlement transferred” during the spring of this year. From 80 to 90 persons were packed per cattle truck and sent to Siberia.

Last year 4,000 Carelians were sent in banishment to Central Asia and 3,000 to the Urals, where more than 50 percent of them succumbed to the inhuman conditions of life and work.

In August 1927 the Communist propaganda apparatus drummed into the ears of the world proclamations against the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti. In millions of leaflets and newspapers the Communists carried on their campaign in foreign countries for the revocation of the death sentence. Yet, what happens in the Soviet Union itself? In Paragraph 58 alone of the Criminal Code, fourteen different kinds of acts are laid down which are punishable with death. By the law of April 7, 1935, the death penalty was introduced even for children.

Starving children in an educational institution have often told how good the conditions were that prevailed there in former times. This fact alone was enough to bring them within the terms of paragraph 58. Ten children were shot by the OGPU in the presence of their comrades. In a newspaper article the Soviet Prosecuting Attorney, Wischinsky, recalls “with content and pleasure” the first anniversary of the day on which the death penalty for children was established by law.

All these are facts which are vouched for exclusively by unquestionable and demonstrable documents originating mostly from Soviet sources. Last year, at the Nürnberg Party Congress, when I uttered words of warning on what I presumed would be the consequences of the Seventh Comintern Congress, held from July 25 to August 21, 1935, the world at large was silent and showed that it did not understand the import of what I had said. The safe stay-at-homes took our prophecies as exaggerated and believed that they could just throw them to the winds.

Therefore I may permit myself to repeat here some of the proposals that were made at the Comintern Congress and the plans that were decided upon and bring before you the events which meanwhile have resulted therefrom in various countries.

Dimitroff, the accredited agent of the Soviet dictatorship for bringing about the world revolution, has verbally declared: “With Stalin at the head, our political army of millions of men can and must overcome all difficulties, completely surmount all obstacles, raze the fortress of Capitalism to the ground and achieve the victory of Socialism, throughout the whole world.”

He said further: “The proletariat is the real master of the world, the master who will rule tomorrow. It must be granted its historical right and in every land throughout the world it must take the sceptre of power in its own hands.”

“It is vain to think of turning the wheel of history backwards. No! The wheel of history is turning and will turn further in the direction of the World Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics, until the final conquest of the whole world by Socialism.”

Such is the programme set forth by this Bulgarian terrorist for the revolutionising of the world. As to how it is carried out, let the plain facts speak.

Since this congress, much more than a hundred Communist revolts have occurred in different countries throughout the world, among them the revolts in Brest and Toulon, in August 1935, with many dead; in Lemberg on April 18, 1936, with 10 dead, and in Saloniki on May 10, 1936, with more than 100 dead. Three armed uprisings, planned long in advance, shook whole countries for weeks on end: in November 1935, in Pernambuco, in January 1936, in Buenos Aires, and in March 1936, in Spain.

Six attempted revolutions were frustrated in advance, among them those in December 1935, in Uruguay; in February 1936, in Paraguay and in the same month in Chile. Sixty-two large fires were caused, among them that in Lanchou in China, which claimed 1,000 victims. Fifty-four armed raids were carried out and 78 stores of explosives plundered. Altogether 3,041 lives were sacrificed by these Bolshevist criminals.

To select a few examples: At the meeting of the Communist World Congress on July 30, 1935, Comrade Dsordsos appeared as the representative of Greece, and outlined a plan of action for the future. Almost exactly one year after his appearance in Moscow, on August 5, 1936, Greece was shaken by a general strike, which developed directly into an armed revolution. Only through the energetic intervention of General Metaxas was Greece saved from being reduced to a state of Bolshevist chaos, and the plan of Comrades Dimitroff and Dsordsos frustrated.

With regard to the stirring up of revolution in colonies, Dimitroff said that the peoples of the colonial and semi-colonial countries no longer regarded their liberation as a hopeless cause, but tended more and more towards a determined struggle against their imperialist oppressors.

Scarcely one year later a dangerous revolt broke out in Syria, which cost many lives. The new friendship with France by no means prevented Moscow from carrying out its premeditated plan in a territory under the mandate of its ally. A few months later the disturbances in Palestine broke out, during which the English police confiscated masses of Communist leaflets and dispersed secret meetings of Communist agents.

Marques, the representative of Brazil, declared at the Seventh World Congress in July 1935, that the country was hastening towards the decisive struggle for the fall of the government… and for the establishment of a national revolutionary government.

Three months later a Communist revolution broke out in Natal and Recife, which claimed 150 dead and 400 wounded. Luis Carlos Prestes, the Jew Ewert and the “Ambassador” of Soviet Russia in Montevideo, the Jewish former furrier Minkin, were revealed as the agents of the “Alliance.”

To come to France, Dimitroff said that the French Communist Party provided an example for all sections of the Communist International of how the tactics of a Front Populaire should be carried out. Thorez, the leader of the French Communist Party, added that a revolution does not occur automatically, but must be organized. We are determined, he said, to follow the example of the Russian Bolshevists. We are… in favour of the Soviets.

The French Communist Party has proved itself worthy of the praise which Dimitroff accorded it. Its membership increased from 87,000 in January to 100,000 in March, to 187,000 in June and to over 225,000 in August, 1936. During the same period the number of military youth organizations was quadrupled. The number of votes increased from 790,000 to 1,500,000, a third of which were recorded in greater Paris alone. The number of Communist members in the French Chamber increased from 10 to 73. The circulation of the newspaper Humanité rose from 154,000 in 1933 to 750,000 for a time in 1936. During the electoral campaign for membership in the Chamber, in 1936, 27 million pamphlets were distributed by the Communist propaganda headquarters. After their affiliation with the Communist Front Populaire, the trade unions increased in membership from 800,000 in May of this year to 4,300,000 in August.

France is also proceeding to follow the example of the Spanish Front Populaire. Dimitroff’s “Trojan horse” stands within the walls of Paris.

But nothing provides us with a better object lesson, nothing could convince us more thoroughly of the seriousness of the decisions of the Seventh World Congress, than the sanguinary and appalling events in Spain. They represent the literal carrying out of the directions given at that time. They are practically the realisation of the “Front Populaire” plan, which has attained only its preliminary stage in France, but has reached its highest point of development in Spain. Dimitroff had announced the plan of action under a Front Populaire government when he said that the exercise of the powers of a government of this kind was to be utilised to prepare the masses for the revolution, and that they should arm themselves for the Socialist revolution, because Soviet power alone could provide salvation.

The Spanish delegate, Ventura, announced that the exact programme was as follows: “The Spanish proletariat and our party… will overthrow Fascism and the power of the bourgeois and the owners of the large estates once and for all, and bring about the triumph of the workers’ and peasants’ revolution… Under the banner of Lenin and Stalin, we are proudly marching towards victory.”

Before the murder of the monarchist leader Calvo Sotelo, which took place on July 13, 269 lives had already been sacrificed to the murderous Communist pest. The French journalist Arminjon reported, for example, that in Murcia the mob seized upon two young men who had been said to be Fascists. They were maltreated on the street, and finally a woman seized a butcher’s hatchet and beheaded them both. This occurred on March 16, and the names of the two men were Pedro Cutillas and Antonio Martinez.

The Press throughout the world had finally to print reports of the inhuman horrors perpetrated by the Spanish Marxists at the command of their foreign instigators. It is impossible to give even approximate figures approaching the actual facts. On August 19, the following facts were made public, derived from an official source: in the city of Madrid and in its suburbs, up to the present, more than 6,000 people were murdered by the Reds, 1,400 alone in the famous park Casa del Campo. In the largest prison, the Carcel Modelo, there were at that time 3,000 prisoners, and 1,146 in San Antonio, the total for Madrid being 6,000. I have in front of me a report by an eyewitness, the German Heinrichs, whose house overlooked the Casa del Campo, and here quite different figures are given. This eyewitness reports that up till August 30, he himself had seen about 6,000 people shot. He also reports that on other squares in the city, in the streets and in the houses, 20,000 more were murdered.

Other eyewitnesses, some of whom were forced to witness the Bolshevist murders from within the prisons, give reports of hundreds of murders daily. A young foreigner saw with his own eyes how in the night of August 20, about 200 prison officials in the Carcel Modelo were murdered, and how, on the next day, 250 members of the Fascist organizations were shot in the courtyard of the barracks. On August 15 he saw a convoy of 250 prisoner s arriving in Madrid from Almeria handed over to the Red militia by the police escort. The latter lined up 240 of them and shot them on the spot then and there. They escorted only 10 of them to the prison, so as to have carried out their “duty.” A little later the Fascist leaders, Ruiz de Alda, Fernando Primo de Rivera, Cuesta and Valdes, were murdered.

The whole German nation mourns for the seven Germans who died a horrible death as victims of the murderous Red crew. On their way to the Recreation Congress in Hamburg, four Germans, named Caetje, Dato, Hofmeister and Treiz, who were also members of the National Socialist Party, were murdered by a group of Bolshevists. After a long “trial,” two of them were led behind a factory, and the other two were placed against a wall a little way off and the four of them were shot. It was afterwards ascertained that the criminals had performed their bloody work with small shot. Hofmeister and Treiz were so disfigured that they could only be recognised with difficulty by the shape of their faces. Many other Germans were injured or suffered damage to their property. The National Socialist, Hans Hahner, was murdered on the way to his work at the Red Cross station. His house was plundered and his wife left destitute.

Not only in Madrid, but throughout the whole country, there were constant further reports of the horrible doings of the Reds. According to the Diario de Noticias of Lisbon, 187 people were murdered in Llora del Rio, and 250 in Constantina.

According to the German paper Germania, in Cartagena 600 officers and soldiers were thrown into the sea with stones tied round their necks. According to the Seculo, in the monastery of Baena 180 persons were executed by the Communists with choppers and razors, among them the priest of Santa Maria Mayor, and also women and children. The women’s bodies were ripped open. The Seculo also referred to a report by two peasants from Malaga of the murder of more than 400 persons, who were thrown into the wells with weights tied to their feet, or bound to the tails of horses and dragged through the streets. According to Die Front of Zürich, the Italian consular agent Solaverani reported that a girl of 16 fired the first shot at a prisoner. The Journal de Genève reported that in Rosal de la Frontera the Communists locked 40 people in the church and set fire to it, so that they were burnt to death. According to The Times, 400 inhabitants were murdered in Runda, about 200 of them being thrown into the Tagus. According to the Evening Standard, 51 hostages were shot in San Sebastian on August 14. Again according to the Seculo, in Almendralago General Franco’s troops found the corpses of prisoners, crucified head downwards on the prison walls. The Seculo reported further that 80 persons were burnt alive. According to the Daily Mail, in Cartagena 50 members of the civil guard were bound neck to neck, and beaten with iron bars and thrown into the sea from the Red prison ship Sil. The same paper stated that the special correspondent of Le Journal, Emile Condroyer, had reported from El Arahal that the Reds shut up 30 men, women and children in prison, poured petroleum in through the window and threw in lighted matches.

The details which reach us of the murdering of priests and violating of nuns are inconceivable. The following are a few examples. The Journal de Genève reported that the Archbishop of Tarragona and the Bishop of Lerida were murdered. According to the Matin, the American, Henry Harris, reported that he himself witnessed in prison the murder of 150 members of religious orders. According to the Journal de Genève, the Catholic workers’ leader, Don Dimas Madariaga, was murdered in Piedralvez. The German Hein Hausmann reported that in Tarragona eight priests were shot, and a monk trampled on and finally shot. Cases are constantly being reported of priests being beheaded and their heads being dragged through the streets. The Germania reported that in Valencia whole rows of nuns were shot, and their bodies burnt. The priests of Adrero, Las Casas and Torres were killed in the most horrible fashion. The list could be continued indefinitely. Children often took part in the shootings. Thus, according to the Diario de la Marina, Raffael Oriol of La Habana reported that in Barcelona he had seen many groups of boys under 15 among the murderers.

Irreplaceable works of art were destroyed and the intellectual elite of the country was exterminated. According to the London Daily Mail, the Nobel prize-winner Bonavente, the well-known dramatist Alvares Quintero and the painter Zuloaga have been executed. Professor Walter W. S. Cook reports that in Barcelona alone, St. Anne’s Cathedral and all other churches, with one exception, have been burned down. The famous altar wings by Vermejo, dating from the fifteenth century, have been destroyed and the fifteenth century Church of Santa Maria del Mar reduced to a heap of ruins. All that remains of the ninth century Church of San Pedro de las Puellas is the walls. The famous monasteries in Barcelona and the Palace of the Archbishop have been completely destroyed.

That is the real face of Bolshevist atheism which has the effrontery to state its readiness to cooperate with the Churches in other countries. The fact that the bodies of nuns were torn from their coffins in Barcelona is a symbol of the desecration of all that is holy by Bolshevism. When Andres Nin, one of the principal agitators in Spain and formerly secretary to the Bolshevist Tomsky, states that they have solved the church problem by leaving not a single church standing, we must state that this is the incarnation of godlessness. That is the real face of Bolshevism!

In Spain, as in Russia of 1917, and in all other countries, it is the unpatriotic and Jewish wire-pullers who cause and lead Bolshevist revolts. If they are non-Jews, they have completely lost their feeling of patriotism.

Now who is to blame, theoretically and practically, for everything that is happening in Spain? All these events represent nothing else than the execution of the resolutions adopted in Moscow. The Bolshevist Jew, Bela Kun; the “Murderer of Hungary,” Neumann, who in Spain, calls himself Enrique Fischer; Kolzow-Ginsburg, posing as the correspondent of the Moscow Prawda, and, finally, the Red League of Nations diplomat and Jew, Rosenberg, were sent to Spain to carry them out. They are the leaders of all Soviet Russian terrorists who carry out their sanguinary work in Spain provided with forged passports which, strange to say, are mostly of French origin.

Nothing is more characteristic of Moscow’s responsibility than the well-laid plan to make the civil war started by Bolshevism in Spain develop into an international conflict. The Jew Schwernik, the president of the Soviet Russian trade unions, frankly admitted the intention to intervene when he said, according to the Iswestia, that the Central Committee… summons all workers and the masses in the Soviet Union to provide material assistance for the Spanish fighters who are defending the democratic republic by force of arms.

The Iswestia itself states that the First Secretary of the Central Council of the Soviet Russian trade union associations has remitted the sum of 12 million roubles, which is equal to 30 million francs, to the Spanish Bolshevists. According to the Berlin Börsenzeitung, the President of the Spanish State, Azana, thanked the Soviet Jew Kolzow-Ginsburg in the following words: “Please convey to the Soviet people that we have been profoundly touched by their sympathy and stirring assistance. It was always clear to me that there must always be a community of interests between the great Soviet Democracy and the Spanish Democracy.”

Moscow attempts by means of its Comintern sections to induce even foreign governments to intervene on behalf of the Reds in Spain. The French Right press constantly reports the delivery of French aircraft and French war material to Madrid.

Money is collected by the Moscow Red Aid in every country without any disguise in order to help the Bolshevists in Spain. Jouhaux, the Secretary General of the French Front Populaire trade union, the agent André Malraux and others maintain connections between the French and Spanish Marxists. According to the Prawda, the Spanish Premier Giral thanked Kolzow-Ginsburg for the “brilliant initiative of French organizations and persons who are energetically supporting the Spanish Government in its struggle,” making special mention of Jouhaux, Malraux and the Jew J. B. Bloch, and concluding with renewed thanks to the “fraternal Soviet people.” How does the Front Populaire government in Spain come to thank a Soviet Jew for the support of French Communists? It proves that the ringleaders of the French Communist party, like those of the same party in Spain, live in Moscow. There is proof that the unheard-of acts of cruelty in Spain were instigated and committed by agents of the Comintern. There is proof that Soviet Russia provides the Spanish Bolshevists with financial, political and practical assistance. There is proof that the last Comintern Congress in Moscow intended to introduce Bolshevism in theory and practice into Spain and that Moscow is now endeavouring to carry out this plan. Moscow’s undiminished and even increased determination to bring about a world revolution is illustrated by the example of Spain. Anyone who does not realize this now cannot complain about the consequences.

That is Bolshevism in theory and practice, an infernal world pestilence which must be eradicated and which it is the duty of everyone, conscious of his responsibilities, to assist in removing. It is not merely oratory when we Germans appeal to all the nations of the world to combine in order to meet this menace if they do not wish to be drawn into the whirlpool of a terrible and incalculable fate.

Germany has given the signal for this world struggle. We National Socialists, as the originators of this struggle, have for fourteen years been the opponents who fought against Bolshevism of every variety and hue; we did that under governments which were typically middle-class in character and had no idea of the effects of Bolshevism and who, therefore, hindered us every time we wished to strike a decisive blow. It seems almost like a miracle today that we succeeded, nevertheless, in defeating Bolshevism in Germany. It is also perhaps a miracle to be attributed to a supernatural power which did not wish to allow nations and civilisations, thousands of years old, to be destroyed by the nihilistic will of international Bolshevistic Jewry.

We were able to overcome Bolshevism because we were able to counter it with a better ideal and a stronger faith, because the nation rose with us against Jewry and the racially inferior underworld connected with it, because we advocated a “Weltanschauung” which, in contrast to that of Bolshevism, is fine, noble and idealistic, because in our struggle we were supported by the people themselves, and not, like the middle-class parties, by those with possessions and culture, because we combined the attractive force of our ideas with the strong faith and political fervour of a newly awakened nation, and because we had a Führer who pointed out the way from the darkest hour of our national life to the clear, bright, pure light of a better future.

It is the historical service rendered by the Führer, which the whole world already recognises, that he barred the way to the onset of Bolshevism on Germany’s eastern frontiers, and thus assumed the role of Europe’s spiritual pioneer in its struggle with the subversive forces of destruction and anarchy. A true knight, without fear or reproach, he seized the banner of culture, humanity and civilisation in his strong hands and carried it proudly against the menace and onset of the world revolution. He has taught us to despise fear and love the things that are worthy of veneration, and thus restored our respect for our old national ideals and virtues.

That ought to be a signal for the whole world. We have proved under the most unfavourable circumstances that Bolshevism can be overcome if one wishes to do so, if one uses the proper means and if one is determined to oppose the powers of destruction with all one’s strength and all one’s manly courage. The German People have thereby become happier, and this will happen to all nations who will have the good fortune to produce men who dare to take up this challenge. The scales would fall from their eyes and they would see the whole evil cunning of Jewry and thus realise that once it has been recognised and seen through, it is neither clever nor dangerous.

May the world follow Germany’s example. Of course National Socialism is not suitable for export, and other nations shall not be persuaded or even forced to adopt its methods. Yet it may prove instructive, and its methods of procedure may stimulate other nations to adopt the same course and thus evade a terrible crisis. May they do so before it is too late, for the danger is approaching everywhere.

But we German National Socialists are proud that we have already solved this problem not only for Germany but also for the rest of Europe. Adolf Hitler, as the leader of this German struggle, has at the same time become the best European. He has shown this tortured continent how to overcome the worst crisis that has ever threatened it, and thus given the nations of Europe an opportunity of learning from Germany and acting accordingly. For the Red enemy of civilisation is at work in every country. The whole world is in danger. Therefore there must be no more vacillation. We must be ready to meet the danger at the decisive hour. The Red Menace threatens us from the East, but the Führer is on the watch. Germany, as the outpost of European civilisation, is ready and determined to ward off this danger from her frontiers with all the means at her disposal. We have burned out the Bolshevist pest in Germany, and there is not a trace of it left in the country. It will also no longer find any opportunity of raising its head again in any way or at any time. The last sparks of this smouldering fire have been trampled upon. The former leaders and initiators of this pest in Germany have either left the country or been taken into safe custody, but most of their former followers and adherents have long been absorbed into the new great German national community. Regardless of how Moscow might attempt to set Bolshevism going again in Germany, such an attempt would be opposed with a ruthlessness that would astonish even Moscow. There is no one and nothing that could restrain us in such a case. The German nation wishes and demands that we should act thus. The people are happy in the enjoyment of their new internal peace, and by no means inclined to allow it to be disturbed anywhere, at any time or by anyone. The Party, as the agency for combating Bolshevism, watches over the safety of the State and protects the people and the nation within the country, while the Army, as the incorporation of our national determination to resist and defend ourselves, protects the frontiers of Germany. These are the bulwarks of our safety, the supports of the people and the State. The nation can feel secure under their powerful protection.

Meanwhile the Red anarchists in Moscow are arming in feverish haste. Their armaments are meant for aggressive purposes, for every Red regiment is imbued with the idea of World revolution. Every Red aeroplane and every Red gun is constructed for the purpose of spreading chaos throughout Europe.

We are unable to influence or affect what other peoples are doing to ward off this danger. We cannot force them to make sensible and suitable preparations. But what we do is not determined by paying futile and careless regard to the League of Nations nor to the more or less shortsighted sympathy with the Soviet idea in other countries, nor yet by vague and unsubstantial attempts to promote collective security, attempts which entangle Europe in a network of incalculable responsibilities. What we do is determined by our duty and our conscience and the feeling of responsibility towards Germany and Europe. The Red Kremlin, by extending the period of military service, has considerably increased the effective strength of the Bolshevist army. The Führer has not left this challenge unanswered. By introducing a period of two years’ military service he has again provided Germany with the security necessary to protect us from Red anarchy.

Even if other States and governments may thoughtlessly attempt to make little of the danger by which we are all menaced from Moscow, we do not allow ourselves to be misled; we pay little attention to what the Moscow Jews are saying— the important thing for us is what they do. We have seen through them, and counter every move they make with absolute precision and logicality.

But the German People can now once more carry on their work reassured and in peace. The Reich is safeguarded and protected; the Red onset from the East will be checked by the bulwarks of National Socialism. But above the nation stands the Führer as the faithful Paladin of his people, well-tried in need and danger, and inspired solely by the fanatical determination to make Germany once more proud, rich and happy. The Party watches over our safety at home and the Army over our safety on the frontiers. But both obey with joy and determination the orders of the one man who stands before us as the outpost of his own people and the pioneer of a better, sincerer, nobler and happier Europe.

Copyright

Communism with the Mask Off

And

Bolshevism in Theory and Practice

By Dr. Joseph Goebbels

Speeches delivered at the 1935 and 1936 annual conferences of the NSDAP in Nuremberg.

This combined edition 2013

Ostara Publications

http://ostarapublications.com